‘Modi is absolutely wrong… I’m grateful to Rajiv Gandhi’: Shehzad Poonawalla’s latest jabs right after walking out of the BJP
Honestly, some people just can’t switch off. Shehzad Poonawalla is one of them. The man spent years as the BJP’s national spokesperson, the one who’d show up on every debate channel and throw sharp lines without blinking. A few days ago he finally quit the party. And barely 48 hours later, he’s back on X doing what he does best — taking digs, twisting the knife a little, and somehow still sounding like he’s on Modi’s side. On Wednesday he posted a video of his old TV clips and wrote something that made a lot of people stop scrolling. He said he would always remain grateful to Rajiv Gandhi. Why? Because Rajiv gave India Rahul Gandhi, and Rahul, according to Shehzad, is the real reason Narendra Modi became prime minister in 2014, 2019 and 2024 — and will become PM again in 2029. “Forever indebted to Shri Rajiv Gandhi ji. He gave us @RahulGandhi who ensured PM @narendramodi became PM in 2014, 19, 24 and will become PM again in 2029. Inshallah. Rajiv Gandhi is therefore the biggest Modi ji supporter like me.” That’s pure Shehzad. He’s basically saying, “Thank you Rajiv, for giving us the best campaign manager Modi could ever have.” You can almost hear the half-smile. He didn’t stop there. Just a day earlier the Prime Minister had used the phrase “dimagi Naxal” in his Independence Day speech — people with a Naxal mindset who, Modi said, still try to create trouble even after the armed ones have been largely cleared out. Shehzad’s reply was classic: “Modi is absolutely wrong to categorise folks as DIMAGI NAXAL. They should have been called बददिमगी Naxal.” Brainless Naxals, basically. And just to keep the old habit alive, he also reminded everyone that Rahul Gandhi was a Pappu, is a Pappu, and will forever remain a Pappu. Now, let’s be clear about the resignation itself. Shehzad had first written to the party at the end of July saying he needed to quit because of money and personal issues. The BJP told him to think it over. On 17 August he wrote again, this time firmly: please accept it. He thanked Modi, Amit Shah, Rajnath Singh, Nitin Nabin, BL Santhosh — the whole lot — and said he was leaving only the “vyavastha”, not the “vyakti” or the “vichar”. In simple words, the organisation, not the people or the ideology. He still calls himself a lifelong Modi follower. He just needs a proper job again because the spokesperson post doesn’t pay a salary and the rent doesn’t wait. He’s been saying for a while that he had been planning this exit since 2024. Politics had become a full-time unpaid job and he had bills to clear. Fair enough. He also made it clear he isn’t going back to the Congress. The only way he’d even consider it, he joked, is if Sonia, Rahul and Priyanka are removed and someone apologises for Nehru. Which is his polite way of saying “never”. What feels different now is the freedom. When he was official spokesperson he still had to stay within certain lines. Now those lines are gone. So the same man who used to defend every government decision is freely telling the Prime Minister that “dimagi Naxal” is the wrong phrase, while still calling Rajiv Gandhi Modi’s biggest unintentional supporter. It’s the same old style, just without the party filter. People who’ve watched him for years know this is classic Shehzad. The sarcasm, the wordplay, the ability to attack the opposition while sounding like he’s still firmly in the Modi camp. He joined the BJP in 2017 as a young Pasmanda Muslim, non-dynast, and rose to national spokesperson. He keeps saying no other party would have given a guy like him that kind of platform. Even after quitting, that gratitude is still there. So where does he go from here? He says private sector, while continuing to support Modi’s vision in whatever way he can. Whether that means quieter days or more of these sharp posts, nobody knows yet. But if Wednesday’s messages are any sign, the man hasn’t lost his edge. He’s just changed the room he’s speaking from. The badge is gone. The microphone, it seems, is still on. Sources: Hindustan Times coverage of Shehzad Poonawalla’s 19 August posts and resignation letter; Live Hindustan and Navbharat Times reports on the same social media comments; India Today, The Print and Moneycontrol on the resignation process and his “vyavastha not vyakti” statement; multiple outlets reporting PM Modi’s Independence Day reference to “dimagi Naxals”. @Rohit Manral
Can India Extradite Sheikh Hasina Under the 2013 Treaty with Bangladesh?
Sheikh Hasina off back to Bangladesh under that extradition treaty they signed in 2013? It sounds straightforward on paper, but once you sit with it, it’s anything but simple. Let me walk you through it the way I’d explain it to a friend over coffee. Hasina’s been living in India since August 2024. She left Dhaka when those huge student protests forced her out. Since then she’s stayed here under some special arrangement. Then in November last year a special tribunal in Bangladesh sentenced her to death in her absence for what they call crimes against humanity during the crackdown on the protests. The Bangladesh side has kept asking India to send her back, pointing straight at the 2013 treaty. India keeps saying the request is “under examination.” That’s all they’ve said for months. The treaty itself is real. India and Bangladesh signed it in January 2013 in Dhaka and it came into force later that year. They even tweaked it in 2016 to make the process a bit faster. Back then both countries were fed up with militants and criminals hopping across the border — Indian insurgents hiding in Bangladesh, some Bangladeshi guys operating from India. The treaty was meant to handle that kind of stuff, ordinary fugitives, not a former prime minister. Under the treaty, either country can ask for someone who’s been charged or convicted of a crime that carries at least one year in jail in both places. That’s the dual criminality rule. Murder, kidnapping, serious violence, terrorism-related stuff — all of that qualifies. After the 2016 change, Bangladesh doesn’t even have to send a mountain of evidence right at the start. A proper arrest warrant is often enough to get the ball rolling. So yes, they can make the request, and they have. But here’s where it gets messy. The treaty has a big escape hatch. Article 6 says India can refuse if the offence is “of a political character.” That’s the classic political offence exception. At the same time the treaty lists a whole bunch of crimes that can’t be called political — murder, manslaughter, kidnapping, causing explosions, terrorism offences and so on. Bangladesh argues the charges against Hasina (the killings during the 2024 unrest) fall into that non-political list. India can still say the whole case feels political because she was thrown out by a political movement and the people now in charge in Dhaka are her opponents. There’s more room in Article 8. India can say no if it believes the request wasn’t made in good faith or isn’t really in the interests of justice. That’s a wide door. India’s own Extradition Act from 1962 has similar protections. Plus the trial happened without her being there, and some people question how fair or legitimate that tribunal really is. Indian courts would get a say if it ever reached that stage, and she’d have a chance to fight it here — something she never got in Dhaka. Then there’s the dual criminality question again. “Crimes against humanity” the way Bangladesh frames it doesn’t always match neat offences under Indian law. That gives India another reason to slow-walk or refuse. Beyond the legal wording, the real world matters. Hasina was India’s partner for years. Her governments worked with India on security, kept certain groups in check, and kept the relationship smooth. Handing her over now would look like turning on an old ally who came here for safety. At the same time India doesn’t want to sour ties with whoever is running Bangladesh today. So they keep the same careful line: the request is being looked at through the proper channels. No drama, no hurry. In the end the treaty doesn’t force India’s hand. Extradition is never automatic. The government still decides, and if it goes to court the judges decide. Hasina herself has talked about going back on her own terms someday, which only adds another layer. So can India extradite her under the 2013 treaty? Technically the door is open if they choose to walk through it. Practically and politically, they’ve got plenty of ways to keep it closed, and so far that’s what they’ve done. The treaty was written for regular criminals and militants, not for this kind of high-stakes political story. How India balances the legal text with its own interests will decide what happens next — not the treaty alone. Sources: Treaty text between India and Bangladesh on extradition (2013, amended 2016)Reporting and official statements from The Hindu, Indian Express, Times of India, Business Standard, The Diplomat, and Ministry of External Affairs briefings between 2024 and 2026. @Rohit Manral
Smriti Irani’s Big Comeback As BJP 3.0 Gets Massive Women Representation
Monday’s announcement from the BJP felt exactly like that. After more than two years on the sidelines of the party’s core organisational structure, Smriti Irani is back — and not in some ceremonial role. She’s been named one of the national general secretaries in the fresh team under new party president Nitin Nabin. And the bigger story isn’t just her return. It’s the clear message that BJP 3.0 is deliberately putting more women in key positions than before. Starting with Smriti. She lost the Amethi Lok Sabha seat in 2024 — a tough defeat after her famous 2019 win against Rahul Gandhi. She stepped out of the Union Cabinet when the new government was formed and stayed away from the central organisational setup. Many wondered if that was the end of her high-profile political phase. Instead, she kept working, even returned briefly to television, and now the party has called her back into the thick of things. Her appointment as national general secretary puts her among eight people in that powerful role. She’s the only woman in that particular group, which itself stands out. Reports suggest she will have a significant hand in Uttar Pradesh, the state that remains the BJP’s biggest electoral testing ground. The 2027 Assembly elections there are already on everyone’s mind. After the mixed results in UP during the 2024 Lok Sabha polls, the party needs experienced campaigners who know the ground and can connect with voters. Smriti has deep roots in the state through her Amethi years, and she’s long been one of the BJP’s sharpest communicators. She reacted with characteristic humility. In a post on X, she called the journey from an ordinary BJP karyakarta to National General Secretary “deeply humbling.” She thanked Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Nitin Nabin for trusting her again and said every responsibility is an opportunity to serve the organisation and the nation with the spirit of “Nation First.” It was a classic Smriti response — grounded, grateful, and focused on the work ahead. But her comeback is part of a larger shift. The new national team of 65 office-bearers includes 12 women. That’s a noticeable jump. Six of the 13 national vice presidents are women. Names like former Rajasthan chief minister Vasundhara Raje (retained), D. Purandeswari, Bharti Pravin Pawar, Rekha Verma, Varshaben Doshi and Dr Madhuchanda Kar figure among the vice presidents. Other women have been given secretary-level roles and leadership of the Mahila Morcha. The previous team had no woman general secretary. This one does. Party leaders have framed it as deliberate. Women voters have become a crucial base for the BJP over the last decade. Schemes that reached kitchens, toilets, gas cylinders, water connections and direct benefit transfers created a visible connect. Bringing more women into organisational roles signals that the party wants that connect to run both ways — not just from the government to women, but from women leaders into the party’s decision-making and campaign machinery. There’s also the longer-term context. The BJP has been pushing for the women’s reservation bill to be implemented after the next delimitation exercise. Putting more women in visible organisational positions now fits the narrative that the party is serious about representation, not just legislation. The new team overall mixes experience and newer faces, with representation from many states and some minority leaders as well. Nitin Nabin’s first full team is being read as a preparation exercise for the state elections coming up and, eventually, 2029. Bringing Smriti back into the core is one of the clearest signals that the party still values her campaign skills and her ability to speak to both party workers and the public. For those who have followed her career, this feels like another chapter rather than a full reset. From television to Rajya Sabha, then Amethi, multiple ministries including Human Resource Development and Women and Child Development, the high of 2019 and the low of 2024 — she has seen the full arc. The fact that the party has chosen to place her in a general secretary role, with likely responsibility linked to Uttar Pradesh, shows they still see her as an asset for the tough battles ahead. Of course, organisational posts are only as strong as the work that follows. The real test will come on the ground in the months leading to the 2027 polls. But for now, the announcement has given the BJP a talking point about women’s representation and brought one of its most recognisable faces back into the national organisational fold. It’s the kind of move that keeps political watchers interested. One day someone is outside the inner circle; the next day they’re back with a key responsibility. In Smriti’s case, the party has made it clear that the door remained open — and that women leaders are getting more seats at the table in this phase of the organisation. Sources: India Today, Hindustan Times, NDTV, Times of India, Moneycontrol, Asianet Newsable, News18, LiveMint, Outlook India (reports dated 17 August 2026). @Rohit Manral
Shehzad Poonawalla Presses BJP to Accept His Resignation After Party First Said No
Look, political exits in India rarely happen cleanly or quietly. On Monday, 17 August 2026, Shehzad Poonawalla, the BJP’s national spokesperson who has been a familiar, often fiery face on television debates for years, made it clear he wants out. He has submitted a second resignation letter and is pressing the party to accept it after the first one, sent on 30 July, was politely turned down. Poonawalla shared the fresh letter on X. In it he writes with the mix of formality and personal warmth that has marked a lot of his public communication. He addresses party president Nitin Nabin (sometimes spelled Nabeen in the letterhead) and recalls the earlier note: “Please read this letter in continuation with my last letter dated 30th of July 2026, where I offered to resign unconditionally from all positions and primary membership of the BJP due to pressing financial and personal circumstances.” He admits the party’s response touched him. “It was extremely touching and I am indeed grateful that the party refused to accept my resignation letter immediately and requested me to reconsider the decision.” But after “long and hard contemplation,” he has decided he wants to be relieved of the national spokesperson role and active primary membership. Recent events involving “certain individuals” (whom he says he has already discussed in detail with the leadership) have only reinforced that choice. The tone stays respectful throughout. He offers “gratefulness, love, affection, and highest regard” for Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Nitin Nabin, Home Minister Amit Shah, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh and organisation general secretary B.L. Santosh. He thanks the party for the platform and opportunities of the last five years. He makes a point of saying he is leaving the “Vyavastha” (the organisational system) but not the “Vyakti or Vichar” (the person or the ideology). He plans to move into the private sector because of those emergency financial and personal pressures, yet promises to keep supporting Modi’s vision and the BJP’s work “wherever possible and in whatever format possible.” In the accompanying X post he put it more personally: a young Pasmanda Muslim, non-dynast, rising the way he did “would not even be possible” in any other country or party. He bids a warm goodbye to the position and the party he loves, but insists the larger mission of Viksit Bharat and “Make India Great Again” will continue with more vigour under Modi. “Vande Mataram. Jai Hind.” This is not a sudden break. Back at the end of July, reports first surfaced that Poonawalla had tendered his resignation citing personal reasons. Around the same time he quietly updated his X bio, removing every reference to being a BJP national spokesperson. What remained was a neat self-description: Religion Islam, Culture Hindu, Ideology Bhartiya, Author of GST Ki Yatra, and lifelong follower of PM Narendra Modi. That change alone set the political chatters off. Sources at the time confirmed he had already submitted the letter; an official party statement was expected but never quite materialised in the weeks that followed. Poonawalla’s political journey itself explains why the exit is being watched. He started young, around 18-19 years ago, in the Congress. In 2017 he publicly challenged the party’s presidential election process as rigged in favour of Rahul Gandhi and walked out. Soon after he joined the BJP and was made a national spokesperson. For nearly a decade he became one of the party’s most visible television faces, defending the government, attacking the opposition, and often locking horns with his own brother Tehseen Poonawalla, who stayed on the other side of the ideological fence. In recent months he had already begun signalling that the time to step back from active politics was approaching. He had thought 2024 would be the end after Modi’s third term, but stayed on for key state elections in Delhi, Maharashtra, West Bengal and elsewhere. After those, he said, it felt right to move on. The financial and personal pressures he now cites appear to have accelerated that timeline. What happens next is still unclear. The BJP has not issued a formal response to the second letter as of Monday afternoon. In Indian politics, parties sometimes hold on to useful public faces a little longer than the individual would like; other times they accept the exit with quiet dignity. Poonawalla has left the door open for continued informal support of the party’s larger goals. Whether that means the occasional television appearance, writing, or something else in the private sector remains to be seen. For now the story is straightforward. A man who spent years arguing passionately for the BJP on national television has decided the organisational chapter is closed. He asked once, the party asked him to stay and rethink, and now he has asked again, more firmly. The letter is public, the reasons are personal and financial, and the gratitude is repeated. In the often noisy world of Indian political messaging, this particular exit has been unusually measured. Sources: Hindustan Times report dated 17 August 2026; Shehzad Poonawalla’s X post and the two-page resignation letter he shared the same day; earlier July 2026 reports from News18, NDTV and other outlets citing sources on the first resignation letter and the bio update. @Rohit Manral